Yale Kamisar uses the term “heater cases”

Question OneYale Kamisar uses the term â€Å"heater cases† in his article In Defense of the Exclusionary Rule.   Unfamiliar with the term, it was researched and determined to be a phrase used to refer to cases that are so controversial or unpopular that they are the subject of both media and public attention. (Bogira, 2005)   Author Steve Bogira provides one example of a heater case.   It is referred to as the Bridgeport case and involved the trial of three white men who had brutally beaten a 13-year old black male.   It was alleged that the reason for the beating was to convey the message that the black boy would not be tolerated in the white neighbourhood. (Bogira, 2005)Kamisar describes the heater case’s impact on the exclusionary rule. According to Kamisar, should a defendant escape conviction because the exclusionary rule prevents the admission of evidence crucial to a conviction.   Such a scenario has the potential to inflame public passions with the res ult that the judge is under pressure to allow the evidence notwithstanding the illegal method employed to seize it and will â€Å"find a way† to admit it. (Kamisar, 2003, 119-140)Question TwoKamisar does not refute each of Judge Calabresi’s arguments as to why the exclusionary rule should be abolished.   He agrees in principle that many of the alternative remedies are ineffective, such as the remedies in criminal sanctions and civil complaints. (Kamisar, 2003, 119-140)   Kamisar takes issue with Calabresi’s suggestions that the exclusionary rule could be effectively replaced by the introduction of a points system following conviction with a view to lightening the sentence imposed and the institution of some penalty with respect to the offending police officer. (Calabresi, 2003, 111-118)Kamisar rejects these suggestions noting that with respect to the imposition of a points system which would effectively reduce the sentence would have no impact on police cond uct. (Kamisar, 2003, 119-140)   This is so because police care about convictions and the negative fallout should a suspect escape conviction.   Therefore any alternative to the exclusionary rule that does not impact upon conviction will not act as an incentive for police to conduct orthodox investigations. (Kamisar, 2003, 119-140)Moreover, Kamisar argues that Calabresi’s proposal for a sanctions hearing in respect of police officers who allegedly acting illegally in obtaining evidence is fraught by the same difficulties that impact upon civil or criminal remedies. (Kamisar, 2003, 119-140)   The entire case will either stand or fall upon the credibility of the accused person, which as Kamisar argues is tenuous at best particularly following a conviction. (Kamisar, 2003, 119-140)Question ThreeYale Kamisar primarily relies on balancing two conflicting policy issues in his article â€Å"In Defense of the Exclusionary Rule.†Ã‚   The first policy consideration is the n eed to allay the general public’s fear of crime and the second policy consideration is the need to protect suspects from police abuse of constitutionally protected rights, particularly the fourth amendment right to privacy and due process as contained in the fourteenth amendment. (Kamisar, 2003, 119-140)In determining the value of the exclusionary rule Kamisar considers the impact of its abrogation on both policies.   He submits that its abolition would result in defeating constitutional rights since alternatives to the exclusionary rules are ineffective.   He goes on to argue that although the exclusionary rule does not entirely protect constitutional rights against police misconduct, it is the only feasible remedy available since police do care about convictions.The likelihood of the exclusionary rule setting a suspect free is more likely to deter police misconduct than not. Since judges are always mindful of the consequences of allowing a serious criminal to escape con viction, the exclusionary rule will not undermine public policies with respect to getting tough on crime.   In other words, the exclusionary rule is the best method for balancing policies against criminal conduct and safeguarding the constitutional rights of an accused person.Question FourYale Kamisar’s arguments for the retention of the exclusionary rule has substantial merit.   If police conduct hinges entirely on the desire to obtain convictions and drives the police officer to offend constitutional rights, it logically follows that if evidence obtained in that manner is excluded police would be less likely to infringe upon constitutional rights. Kasimar readily admits that the exclusionary rule is not perfect, but it is the best police regulatory method available.(Kamisar, 2003, 119-140)Arguments that serious criminals escape conviction as a result of the exclusionary rule are not supported by empirical research studies.   (Kamisar, 2003, 119-140)   More important ly, judges can be trusted to exercise their discretion properly and fairly with respect to the exclusionary rule.   Those who argue against the effectiveness of the exclusionary rule fail to take account of the experience and intelligence that judges manifest in criminal trials.   It is highly unlikely that a judge will permit either a police officer or a criminal to manipulate his discretion.   He is more likely than not err on the side of caution.BibliographyBogira, Steve. (2005) Courtroom 302. New York, Alfred A. Knopf.Calabresi, Guido. (2003) â€Å"The Exclusionary Rule.† Harvard Law Journal and Public Policy. Vol. 26, 111-118Kamisar, Yale. (2003) â€Å"In Defense of the Exclusionary Rule.† Harvard Law Journal and Public Policy. Vol. 26, 119-140

E Commerce and Business Start Up

E commerce and Business Start up Throughout the evaluation process of a potential new idea and in the development of new marketing strategy E-Commerce needs to be continually assessed. E-Commerce offers the entrepreneur the opportunity to be very creative and innovative; its importance is indicated in the continually increasing amount of both business to business and business to costumer e-commerce sales. It increase on the annual basis, according to com Score Networks, total Internet business reached to $214. 4 billion in 2008, an increase of 7% in internet business as compared to 2007. The $214. Billion was composed of $130. 1 billion Non travel spending and 84. 3 billion Dollars travel spending. Video games, consoles and accessories together was the fastest growing categories constituted of 29%, sport and fitness items 29%, event tickets, 13%, consumer electronics 9%, apparel and accessories 4% and travel spending increase by 7% as compared to 2007 over 2008. Factors that facilita ted the growth of e-commerce are wide spread use of PC’s, the adoption of intranet in companies, the acceptance of internet as the business communications platform and faster and more secure systems.Numerous benefits such as Access to broader customer base, lower info dissemination cost which expand the volume of E commerce. Using E-commerce Creatively: E-commerce is mostly use by most corporations to increase their marketing and sale channels. The internet is especially for small and medium size companies as it enables them to minimize the marketing costs while reaching broader markets. An entrepreneur starting an E commerce venture needs to address the same strategic and tactical questions as any other entrepreneur, but some new specific issues are faced because introduction of new technology used in E-commerce.An entrepreneur should decide whether should do in house or out sourcing for an inter business. In case of in house operations there are computer servers; hardware, software as well as support services are included. And in case of outsourcing entrepreneur can hire web developers to design the company’s web pages and upload them on the internet through ISP. In this case the entrepreneur main task is to regularly update the information on the web pages; another option is that to purchase the software from the local market. The correct decision b/w in-house or outsourcing depends on the size of the business.The 2 major components of internet business are Front end or Back end operations. Front end operations are the websites functions, search options, secure payments, shopping cart. The biggest mistake usually make by the companies is that they believe that the attractive website secure their business, which leads them to underestimating the back end operations. The integration of back end and front end operations represents the greatest challenge for doing internet business and at the same time provides an opportunity for developing a sust ained competitive advantage.Websites: Entrepreneurial firms mostly use websites, about 90% of small businesses today have operating websites, but majority of them are not capable of operating new websites. A good website should be easy to use. In developing a website one should keep in mind that; who is the audience? What are the objectives of the site? What do you want to costumers when they visit the site? In addressing these questions one should effectively organize the website. This requires that the material should be fresh and updated on regular basis.Another most important feature of the website is the search capability; it should be easy to find information about the products and services, which can be accomplished by advance search tools and subject browsing. Other functions that should be available are shopping cart, secure server connection, credit card payments and customer feedback. Speed is the characteristic of a successful website. Tracking costumer information: The motivation for tracking costumer information is to capture costumer attention; care must be taken in doing so to follow the laws protecting the privacy of individuals.Doing E-commerce as an Entrepreneurial Company: For online business one should take care of several factors; first the product should be delivered economically and conveniently. Fresh fruits and vegetables for individual consumers are not appropriate for long distance deliveries and online sales. Second the product should be interesting for larger no of people. Thirdly online operations should reduce the cost. And the 4th one that company can easily draw costumer to its website.

The Period of New Society

With the declaration of Martial Law, President Marcos popularized the New Society which he claimed was envisioned to carry out a meaningful social change. In order to create a positive image in the public consciousness as well as in the local and foreign media that he was serious in effecting these changes, he initiated the following: 1. Dismissal from office of civil servants who were found guilty of corruption and abuse of authority; 2. Punishment of drug pushers; 3. Setting curfew to solve worsening criminality rate; 4. Popularization of â€Å"Isang Bansa, Isang Diwa† philosophy to instill nationalism among Filipinos; and 5. Training of citizens to be disciplined and law-abiding. Meanwhile, in order to entertain and relieve the people from alarming social and political problems, his government initiates the following: 1. Establishment of theme parks such as the Coconut palace in Pasay, Palace in the Sky in Tagaytay and National Arts Centre in Makiling, Laguna; and cultural institutions such as Cultural Centre of the Philippines, Folk Arts Centre and Film Centre. 2. Sponsorship of cultural shows; . Popularization of indigenous culture; 4. Manipulation of the contents of the newspapers and textbooks on his favour; 5. Bribery of media commentators in order to sugar-coat the programs of his administration; and 6. Publication and popularization of literature about his political philosophy such as â€Å"democratic revolution† and â€Å"revolution from the center†. Ferdinard Marcos with Secretary of State George Shultz, 1982. Amidst the rising wave of lawlessness and the threat of a Communist insurgency, Marcos declared martial law on September 21, 1972, by virtue of Proclamation No. 081. Marcos, ruling by decree, curtailed press freedom and other civil liberties, closed down Congress and media establishments, and ordered the arrest of opposition leaders and militant activists, including his staunchest critics, senators Benigno Aquino, Jr. , Jovito Salonga and Jose Diokno. [25] The declaration of martial law was initially well received, given the social turmoil the Philippines was experiencing. [26] Crime rates plunged dramatically after a curfew was implemented. [27] Many political o pponents were forced to go into exile. A constitutional convention, which had been called for in 1970 to replace the Commonwealth era 1935 Constitution, continued the work of framing a new constitution after the declaration of martial law. The new constitution went into effect in early 1973, changing the form of government from presidential to parliamentary and allowing Marcos to stay in power beyond 1973. Marcos claimed that martial law was the prelude to creating his Bagong Lipunan, a â€Å"New Society† based on new social and political values. [28] The economy during the 1970s was robust, with budgetary and trade surpluses. The Gross National Product rose from P55 billion in 1972 to P193 billion in 1980. Tourism rose, contributing to the economy's growth. However, Marcos, his cronies and his wife, Imelda, willfully engaged in rampant corruption. [29] After putting in force amendments to the constitution, legislative action, and securing his sweeping powers and with the Batasan under his control, President Marcos lifted martial law on January 17, 1981. However, the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus continued in the autonomous regions of Western Mindanao and Central Mindanao. The opposition dubbed the lifting of martial law as a mere â€Å"face lifting† as a precondition to the visit of Pope John Paul II. [30] Marcos had a vision of a Bagong Lipunan (New Society) similar to Indonesian president Suharto's â€Å"New Order administration†. He used the years of martial law to implement this vision. According to Marcos's book, â€Å"Notes on the New Society,† it was a movement urging the poor and the privileged to work as one for the common goals of society and to achieve the liberation of the Filipino people through self-realization. Marcos confiscated businesses owned by the oligarchy. More often than not, they were taken over by Marcos's family members and close personal friends, who used them as fronts to launder proceeds from institutionalized graft and corruption in the different national governmental agencies as â€Å"crony capitalism,† Marcos' friends using them for personal benefit. With genuinely nationalistic motives, crony capitalism was intended to redistribute monopolies traditionally owned by Chinese and Mestizo oligarchs to Filipino businessmen though in practice, it led to graft and corruption via bribery, racketeering, and embezzlement. Marcos also silenced the free press, making the state press the only legal one. He also seized privately owned lands and distributed them to farmers. By waging an ideological war against the oligarchy, Marcos gained the support of the masses though he was to create a new one in its place. Marcos, now free from day-to-day governance which was left mostly to Enrile using his power to settle scores against old rivals, such as the Lopezes, who were always opposed to the Marcos administration. Leading opponents such as Senators Benigno Aquino, Jr. , Jose Diokno, Jovito Salonga and many others were imprisoned for months or years. This practice considerably alienated the support of the old social and economic elite and the media, who criticized the Marcos administration endlessly. The declaration of martial law was initially very well received, given the social turmoil the Philippines was experiencing though the rest of the world was surprised at how the Filipinos accepted Marcos's self-imposed dictatorship. Soon after Marcos declared martial law, one American official described the Philippines as a country composed â€Å"of 40 million cowards and one son of a bitch†; otherwise, he reasoned, they should have risen against the destroyer of their freedom. 31] Crime rates plunged dramatically after dusk curfews were implemented and the country would enjoy economic prosperity throughout the 1970s in the midst of growing dissent to his strong-willed rule toward the end of martial law. Political opponents were given the opportunity of compliance or forced to go into exile. As a result, thousands migrated to o ther countries, like the U. S. and Canada. Public dissent on the streets was not tolerated and leaders of such protests were promptly arrested, detained, tortured, or never heard from again. Communist leaders, as well as sympathizers, were forced to flee from the cities to the countrysides, where they multiplied. Lim Seng, a feared drug lord, was arrested and executed in Luneta in 1972. As martial law dragged on for the next nine years, human rights violations went unchecked, and graft and corruption by the military and the administration became widespread, as made manifest by the Rolex 12. Over the years, Marcos's hand was strengthened by the support of the armed forces, whose size he tripled to 230,000 troops, after declaring martial law in 1972. The forces included some first-rate units as well as thousands of unruly and ill equipped personnel of the civilian home defense forces and other paramilitary organizations. Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile, Chief of Staff of the Philippine Constabulary Fidel Ramos, and Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of the Philippines Fabian Ver were the chief administrators of martial law from 1972 to 1981, and the three remained President Marcos's closest advisers until he was ousted in 1986. Enrile and Ramos would later abandon Marcos's ‘sinking ship' and seek protection behind the 1986 People Power Revolution. The Catholic hierarchy and Manila's middle class were crucial to the success of the massive crusade. [edit] Prime Minister (1972-1981) Ferdinard Marcos with Secretary of State George Shultz, 1982. Amidst the rising wave of lawlessness and the threat of a Communist insurgency, Marcos declared martial law on September 21, 1972, by virtue of Proclamation No. 1081. Marcos, ruling by decree, curtailed press freedom and other civil liberties, closed down Congress and media establishments, and ordered the arrest of opposition leaders and militant activists, including his staunchest critics, senators Benigno Aquino, Jr. , Jovito Salonga and Jose Diokno. [25] The declaration of martial law was initially well received, given the social turmoil the Philippines was experiencing. [26] Crime rates plunged dramatically after a curfew was implemented. [27] Many political opponents were forced to go into exile. A constitutional convention, which had been called for in 1970 to replace the Commonwealth era 1935 Constitution, continued the work of framing a new constitution after the declaration of martial law. The new constitution went into effect in early 1973, changing the form of government from presidential to parliamentary and allowing Marcos to stay in power beyond 1973. Marcos claimed that martial law was the prelude to creating his Bagong Lipunan, a â€Å"New Society† based on new social and political values. [28] The economy during the 1970s was robust, with budgetary and trade surpluses. The Gross National Product rose from P55 billion in 1972 to P193 billion in 1980. Tourism rose, contributing to the economy's growth. However, Marcos, his cronies and his wife, Imelda, willfully engaged in rampant corruption. [29] After putting in force amendments to the constitution, legislative action, and securing his sweeping powers and with the Batasan under his control, President Marcos lifted martial law on January 17, 1981. However, the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus continued in the autonomous regions of Western Mindanao and Central Mindanao. The opposition dubbed the lifting of martial law as a mere â€Å"face lifting† as a precondition to the visit of Pope John Paul II. [30] Marcos had a vision of a Bagong Lipunan (New Society) similar to Indonesian president Suharto's â€Å"New Order administration†. He used the years of martial law to implement this vision. According to Marcos's book, â€Å"Notes on the New Society,† it was a movement urging the poor and the privileged to work as one for the common goals of society and to achieve the liberation of the Filipino people through self-realization. Marcos confiscated businesses owned by the oligarchy. More often than not, they were taken over by Marcos's family members and close personal friends, who used them as fronts to launder proceeds from institutionalized graft and corruption in the different national governmental agencies as â€Å"crony capitalism,† Marcos' friends using them for personal benefit. With genuinely nationalistic motives, crony capitalism was intended to redistribute monopolies traditionally owned by Chinese and Mestizo oligarchs to Filipino businessmen though in practice, it led to graft and corruption via bribery, racketeering, and embezzlement. Marcos also silenced the free press, making the state press the only legal one. He also seized privately owned lands and distributed them to farmers. By waging an ideological war against the oligarchy, Marcos gained the support of the masses though he was to create a new one in its place. Marcos, now free from day-to-day governance which was left mostly to Enrile using his power to settle scores against old rivals, such as the Lopezes, who were always opposed to the Marcos administration. Leading opponents such as Senators Benigno Aquino, Jr. , Jose Diokno, Jovito Salonga and many others were imprisoned for months or years. This practice considerably alienated the support of the old social and economic elite and the media, who criticized the Marcos administration endlessly. The declaration of martial law was initially very well received, given the social turmoil the Philippines was experiencing though the rest of the world was surprised at how the Filipinos accepted Marcos's self-imposed dictatorship. Soon after Marcos declared martial law, one American official described the Philippines as a country composed â€Å"of 40 million cowards and one son of a bitch†; otherwise, he reasoned, they should have risen against the destroyer of their freedom. 31] Crime rates plunged dramatically after dusk curfews were implemented and the country would enjoy economic prosperity throughout the 1970s in the midst of growing dissent to his strong-willed rule toward the end of martial law. Political opponents were given the opportunity of compliance or forced to go into exile. As a result, thousands migrated to o ther countries, like the U. S. and Canada. Public dissent on the streets was not tolerated and leaders of such protests were promptly arrested, detained, tortured, or never heard from again. Communist leaders, as well as sympathizers, were forced to flee from the cities to the countrysides, where they multiplied. Lim Seng, a feared drug lord, was arrested and executed in Luneta in 1972. As martial law dragged on for the next nine years, human rights violations went unchecked, and graft and corruption by the military and the administration became widespread, as made manifest by the Rolex 12. Over the years, Marcos's hand was strengthened by the support of the armed forces, whose size he tripled to 230,000 troops, after declaring martial law in 1972. The forces included some first-rate units as well as thousands of unruly and ill equipped personnel of the civilian home defense forces and other paramilitary organizations. Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile, Chief of Staff of the Philippine Constabulary Fidel Ramos, and Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of the Philippines Fabian Ver were the chief administrators of martial law from 1972 to 1981, and the three remained President Marcos's closest advisers until he was ousted in 1986. Enrile and Ramos would later abandon Marcos's ‘sinking ship' and seek protection behind the 1986 People Power Revolution. The Catholic hierarchy and Manila's middle class were crucial to the success of the massive crusade. [edit] Prime Minister (1972-1981) Ferdinard Marcos with Secretary of State George Shultz, 1982. Amidst the rising wave of lawlessness and the threat of a Communist insurgency, Marcos declared martial law on September 21, 1972, by virtue of Proclamation No. 1081. Marcos, ruling by decree, curtailed press freedom and other civil liberties, closed down Congress and media establishments, and ordered the arrest of opposition leaders and militant activists, including his staunchest critics, senators Benigno Aquino, Jr. , Jovito Salonga and Jose Diokno. [25] The declaration of martial law was initially well received, given the social turmoil the Philippines was experiencing. [26] Crime rates plunged dramatically after a curfew was implemented. [27] Many political opponents were forced to go into exile. A constitutional convention, which had been called for in 1970 to replace the Commonwealth era 1935 Constitution, continued the work of framing a new constitution after the declaration of martial law. The new constitution went into effect in early 1973, changing the form of government from presidential to parliamentary and allowing Marcos to stay in power beyond 1973. Marcos claimed that martial law was the prelude to creating his Bagong Lipunan, a â€Å"New Society† based on new social and political values. [28] The economy during the 1970s was robust, with budgetary and trade surpluses. The Gross National Product rose from P55 billion in 1972 to P193 billion in 1980. Tourism rose, contributing to the economy's growth. However, Marcos, his cronies and his wife, Imelda, willfully engaged in rampant corruption. [29] After putting in force amendments to the constitution, legislative action, and securing his sweeping powers and with the Batasan under his control, President Marcos lifted martial law on January 17, 1981. However, the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus continued in the autonomous regions of Western Mindanao and Central Mindanao. The opposition dubbed the lifting of martial law as a mere â€Å"face lifting† as a precondition to the visit of Pope John Paul II. [30] Marcos had a vision of a Bagong Lipunan (New Society) similar to Indonesian president Suharto's â€Å"New Order administration†. He used the years of martial law to implement this vision. According to Marcos's book, â€Å"Notes on the New Society,† it was a movement urging the poor and the privileged to work as one for the common goals of society and to achieve the liberation of the Filipino people through self-realization. Marcos confiscated businesses owned by the oligarchy. More often than not, they were taken over by Marcos's family members and close personal friends, who used them as fronts to launder proceeds from institutionalized graft and corruption in the different national governmental agencies as â€Å"crony capitalism,† Marcos' friends using them for personal benefit. With genuinely nationalistic motives, crony capitalism was intended to redistribute monopolies traditionally owned by Chinese and Mestizo oligarchs to Filipino businessmen though in practice, it led to graft and corruption via bribery, racketeering, and embezzlement. Marcos also silenced the free press, making the state press the only legal one. He also seized privately owned lands and distributed them to farmers. By waging an ideological war against the oligarchy, Marcos gained the support of the masses though he was to create a new one in its place. Marcos, now free from day-to-day governance which was left mostly to Enrile using his power to settle scores against old rivals, such as the Lopezes, who were always opposed to the Marcos administration. Leading opponents such as Senators Benigno Aquino, Jr. , Jose Diokno, Jovito Salonga and many others were imprisoned for months or years. This practice considerably alienated the support of the old social and economic elite and the media, who criticized the Marcos administration endlessly. The declaration of martial law was initially very well received, given the social turmoil the Philippines was experiencing though the rest of the world was surprised at how the Filipinos accepted Marcos's self-imposed dictatorship. Soon after Marcos declared martial law, one American official described the Philippines as a country composed â€Å"of 40 million cowards and one son of a bitch†; otherwise, he reasoned, they should have risen against the destroyer of their freedom. 31] Crime rates plunged dramatically after dusk curfews were implemented and the country would enjoy economic prosperity throughout the 1970s in the midst of growing dissent to his strong-willed rule toward the end of martial law. Political opponents were given the opportunity of compliance or forced to go into exile. As a result, thousands migrated to o ther countries, like the U. S. and Canada. Public dissent on the streets was not tolerated and leaders of such protests were promptly arrested, detained, tortured, or never heard from again. Communist leaders, as well as sympathizers, were forced to flee from the cities to the countrysides, where they multiplied. Lim Seng, a feared drug lord, was arrested and executed in Luneta in 1972. As martial law dragged on for the next nine years, human rights violations went unchecked, and graft and corruption by the military and the administration became widespread, as made manifest by the Rolex 12. Over the years, Marcos's hand was strengthened by the support of the armed forces, whose size he tripled to 230,000 troops, after declaring martial law in 1972. The forces included some first-rate units as well as thousands of unruly and ill equipped personnel of the civilian home defense forces and other paramilitary organizations. Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile, Chief of Staff of the Philippine Constabulary Fidel Ramos, and Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of the Philippines Fabian Ver were the chief administrators of martial law from 1972 to 1981, and the three remained President Marcos's closest advisers until he was ousted in 1986. Enrile and Ramos would later abandon Marcos's ‘sinking ship' and seek protection behind the 1986 People Power Revolution. The Catholic hierarchy and Manila's middle class were crucial to the success of the massive crusade. Ferdinard Marcos with Secretary of State George Shultz, 1982. Amidst the rising wave of lawlessness and the threat of a Communist insurgency, Marcos declared martial law on September 21, 1972, by virtue of Proclamation No. 1081. Marcos, ruling by decree, curtailed press freedom and other civil liberties, closed down Congress and media establishments, and ordered the arrest of opposition leaders and militant activists, including his staunchest critics, senators Benigno Aquino, Jr. Jovito Salonga and Jose Diokno. [25] The declaration of martial law was initially well received, given the social turmoil the Philippines was experiencing. [26] Crime rates plunged dramatically after a curfew was implemented. [27] Many political opponents were forced to go into exile. A constitutional convention, which had been called for in 1970 to replace the Commonwealth era 1935 Constitution, continued th e work of framing a new constitution after the declaration of martial law. The new constitution went into effect in early 1973, changing the form of government from presidential to parliamentary and allowing Marcos to stay in power beyond 1973. Marcos claimed that martial law was the prelude to creating his Bagong Lipunan, a â€Å"New Society† based on new social and political values. [28] The economy during the 1970s was robust, with budgetary and trade surpluses. The Gross National Product rose from P55 billion in 1972 to P193 billion in 1980. Tourism rose, contributing to the economy's growth. However, Marcos, his cronies and his wife, Imelda, willfully engaged in rampant corruption. [29] After putting in force amendments to the constitution, legislative action, and securing his sweeping powers and with the Batasan under his control, President Marcos lifted martial law on January 17, 1981. However, the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus continued in the autonomous regions of Western Mindanao and Central Mindanao. The opposition dubbed the lifting of martial law as a mere â€Å"face lifting† as a precondition to the visit of Pope John Paul II. 30] Marcos had a vision of a Bagong Lipunan (New Society) similar to Indonesian president Suharto's â€Å"New Order administration†. He used the years of martial law to implement this vision. According to Marcos's book, â€Å"Notes on the New Society,† it was a movement urging the poor and the privileged to work as one for the common goals of society and to achieve the liberation of the Filip ino people through self-realization. Marcos confiscated businesses owned by the oligarchy. More often than not, they were taken over by Marcos's family members and close personal friends, who used them as fronts to launder proceeds from institutionalized graft and corruption in the different national governmental agencies as â€Å"crony capitalism,† Marcos' friends using them for personal benefit. With genuinely nationalistic motives, crony capitalism was intended to redistribute monopolies traditionally owned by Chinese and Mestizo oligarchs to Filipino businessmen though in practice, it led to graft and corruption via bribery, racketeering, and embezzlement. Marcos also silenced the free press, making the state press the only legal one. He also seized privately owned lands and distributed them to farmers. By waging an ideological war against the oligarchy, Marcos gained the support of the masses though he was to create a new one in its place. Marcos, now free from day-to-day governance which was left mostly to Enrile using his power to settle scores against old rivals, such as the Lopezes, who were always opposed to the Marcos administration. Leading opponents such as Senators Benigno Aquino, Jr. , Jose Diokno, Jovito Salonga and many others were imprisoned for months or years. This practice considerably alienated the support of the old social and economic elite and the media, who criticized the Marcos administration endlessly. The declaration of martial law was initially very well received, given the social turmoil the Philippines was experiencing though the rest of the world was surprised at how the Filipinos accepted Marcos's self-imposed dictatorship. Soon after Marcos declared martial law, one American official described the Philippines as a country composed â€Å"of 40 million cowards and one son of a bitch†; otherwise, he reasoned, they should have risen against the destroyer of their freedom. [31] Crime rates plunged dramatically after dusk curfews were implemented and the country would enjoy economic prosperity throughout the 1970s in the midst of growing dissent to his strong-willed rule toward the end of martial law. Political opponents were given the opportunity of compliance or forced to go into exile. As a result, thousands migrated to other countries, like the U. S. and Canada. Public dissent on the streets was not tolerated and leaders of such protests were promptly arrested, detained, tortured, or never heard from again. Communist leaders, as well as sympathizers, were forced to flee from the cities to the countrysides, where they multiplied. Lim Seng, a feared drug lord, was arrested and executed in Luneta in 1972. As martial law dragged on for the next nine years, human rights violations went unchecked, and graft and corruption by the military and the administration became widespread, as made manifest by the Rolex 12. Over the years, Marcos's hand was strengthened by the support of the armed forces, whose size he tripled to 230,000 troops, after declaring martial law in 1972. The forces included some first-rate units as well as thousands of unruly and ill equipped personnel of the civilian home defense forces and other paramilitary organizations. Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile, Chief of Staff of the Philippine Constabulary Fidel Ramos, and Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of the Philippines Fabian Ver were the chief administrators of martial law from 1972 to 1981, and the three remained President Marcos's closest advisers until he was ousted in 1986. Enrile and Ramos would later abandon Marcos's ‘sinking ship' and seek protection behind the 1986 People Power Revolution. The Catholic hierarchy and Manila's middle class were crucial to the success of the massive crusade. [edit] Prime Minister (1972-1981)

(Balance Scorecard) Accounting Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2250 words

(Balance Scorecard) Accounting - Assignment Example According to balanced score card, the performance of a firm is measured on the basis of four perspectives, which are financial, customer, internal business process or value chain and learning and growth. The name balanced scorecard reflects balance between long term and short term objectives, financial and non financial measures, leading and lagging indicators, and between internal and external perspectives. Balanced score card is more than a system of measurement. It should be transformed into a strategic management system (Brigham and Louston, 2009, p.112). The new measurement system is used to align and communicate with the new strategies of firm and to properly manage them. For this, the suggested steps could be: classification and translation of strategy and vision, communicating and linking the strategic measures and objectives, planning, setting targets and aligning strategic initiatives and enhancing the learning and strategic feedback (Chandra, 2011, p.95). There are a community group of volunteers who are taking over some greenhouses at a nursery garden with an objective to grow plants as a way of providing training to the young people with learning difficulties. The principal sources of income to this community group of volunteers will be the sale of food and plants which are grown at the site, individual funding from each of the learning disabled, grant funding and charitable donations. It is advisable to them to use an appropriate balanced scorecard for the work. The use of balanced scorecard will provide the nursery volunteers with lot of benefits and the balanced scorecard should be produced with an appropriate number of financial and non-financial measures. In addition, the grant funder can apply some key performance indicator to the contract to reassure themselves that the service is being run appropriately by the volunteers. It is important to build a balanced scorecard which communicates the strategy of firm for certain

Privacy of Social Media Annotated Bibliography Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Privacy of Social Media - Annotated Bibliography Example The Writing: the works from this publication is a detailed statement which provides directions under the law that emphasizes the need to maintain privacy in the social sites. The websites and social sites are under obligation to protect their customer’s information and not to share them without permission. The Use: This document will help me highlight the law in relation to privacy in the social media.Determann, Lothar. "Social Media Privacy: A Dozen Myths and Facts." Stanford Technology Law Review (2012): 1-14.  The Writer(s): the author is an expert in social media analysis. Publication: this is a publication of the social media privacy from Stanford Technology Law Review. The publication is a recent publication which is valid and up to dateThe Writing: the publication contains 8 myths about social sites. The myths are actual the rights to the consumer who uses the social sites. This article is an educative article drawing its teachings from the law about social privacy in the media.The Use: This article will be useful to me when making an introduction about my research. It will help me highlight some of the rights consumers have over the social sites in the media. The author is the senior research analyst at Pew Internet Project Publication: this is a publication of the social media privacy.   The article is a resent publication from the date. The Writing: the article aims at finding out why most users are restricted to privacy settings while the cases of profile pruning and unfriending people are the rise.

Rawls A theory of Justice Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Rawls A theory of Justice - Essay Example He questions, is there any system to arrange society, which can keep these issues within tolerable limits And can a social system be organized on just and fair standard that it becomes acceptable to the bulk of population. According to Rawls, we all agree to have a just social contract with our free will without knowing (ignorance) the ultimate consequences of our decision, which he names as "original position". According to the original position, "no-one knows his place in society, his class position or social status, nor does anyone know his fortune in the distribution of natural assets and abilities, his intelligence, strength and the like" (Rawls, p 12). Thus behind this "veil of ignorance" different groups will hound their own benefits. Rawl's explains that all the factions in this hypothetical society will adopt two basic principals: the principal of rights and duties, and the fair distribution of social and economic compensation in a society. The first principal is absolute "each person is to have an equal right to the most extensive basic liberty compatible with a similar liberty for others (Rawls, p 60), which provides basic rights, such as freedom of speech and expression, and the right to owe property. The first principle is more or less absolute, and may not be violated, however it can be traded for obtaining other rights. Accord According to the second principal "social and economic inequalities are to be arranged so that they are both: a) to the greatest benefit of the least advantaged, and (b) attached to offices and positions open to all under conditions of fair equality of opportunity (Rawls, 1971, pg. 303). Rawls' principal 2(a) is different from the normal form of justice, however he substantiates on the ground of improving the fate of dis-advantaged people. As he explains that equality should not be enacted to deteriorate the condition of a person already in a worse situation. The 2(b) confers the distribution of offices and positions on merit basis, but all aspiring candidates should have the skills on which they will be assessed. Critics have come up with several arguments against Theory of Justice, such as Rawl's idealism is meant to fulfill ethical ideals rather than real social dilemmas. Rawl mentioned that individuals cannot give up their basic liberties for economic or social benefit, however the ordering of the principles can still create greater inequalities, challenging the basic principals of justice and liberty. Many question the belief on equal opportunity, if those who have the required IQ and skills grab prized positions, the Individuals with severe mental or physical disabilities will eternally lag behind and will have no place in the such society. These individual with lower skills cannot compete with these intelligent individuals, applying the concept of equal opportunity on such individuals who do not meet the requirements of a competitive society is again a discrimination against the people with lower abilities. Liberalism has appeared countless times in history. According to the liberalism theory, state should not interfere in individual's life and a person is free to choose the final good for his/her life as long as these aspirations do not conflict with state law. In plain words, the liberalism theory asks state to remain neutral in the citizen's way of life and should treat citizens equal regardless

The Great Depression Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

The Great Depression - Essay Example The great depression started in the industrialized North America when the stock market exchange on Oct.29, 1929, commonly known to be â€Å"The Black Tuesday† (Nick Taylor-American Made). As at this time, the output fell by 23% losing more than ten billion US dollars. The market decline was due to disparity between the consumption and production sectors. The production power was due, but the consumption rate was wanting. The producers had to credit their products resulting to lack of finance to these companies hence a subsequent drop in the wages and loss of jobs for the employees (Stock, 1997:177). Many banks realized great loses some of which even saw their closure because most of them had heavily invested in market shares. The problem was major in America but it spread to other countries leading to an economic slump due to forged intimate relation that came in between the United States and the European countries to terminate the First World War. Since United States had emer ged as the super power of the First World War, its economic back thrash had effects across the globe. The depression persisted up to 1932 when the then president of USA Herbert Hoover realized that he had a hand to lend to terminate the depression. In his speech president, Hoover underrated the crisis and said that it would ultimately end. He did not realize that he had to supply food to the hunger stricken population in North America. People raised blame over him for the big economic crisis (Young and Young, 2007:55). Hoover was turned down and an election was called where Franklin Delano Roosevelt won by a large margin. After taking over as the president of United States Rosevelt declared a four-day bank holiday meant relief to relief the banks and make them solvent. During the first one hundred days of his reign Roosevelt set good basis too revive the country from depths of desperation. The great depression had adverse effects to the economy as well as the people of United States . The production level dropped greatly as well as the gross domestic product after the recession started. The lack of market for manufactured goods was the main reason for the decline of the production in the United States (Oakes and Kia, 2004:137). The consumers had lost their purchasing power, which was probably due to the effect of the First World War. Most industries had to give their products on credit leaving them with financial crisis. This led to their immediate closure. The collapse of food prices and lack international market for export made farmers lose morale and quit farming. Credit system in bank declined hence most of the depositors had no option but to withdraw their money from the banks. The experience for the Americans worsened in the 1930s when the agriculture sector leveraged due to the decline in the world market for food prices. The depression also led to lack of jobs in the states. Many people had to move from placer to another hoping against hopes to secure j ob in the towns. The teenagers comprised the large proportion for the job seeking population. This desperate large population had constructed their houses in shantytown in the outskirts of towns, which they made from any available material. The desperate farmers migrated to California in hope to find fertile grounds. Their condition was seriously transient. When he came to power, Franklin Roosevelt instilled hope to the States residents .He started the so-called

Applying theories to learning Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Applying theories to learning - Essay Example This paper explores the relevance and impact of learning theories, especially in relation to my personal practice within a secondary school. In addition, the paper seeks to attain insights into the harmonies and conflicts that may prevail within the current educational discourse. In a special way, the paper explores diverse ways in which instructors model their teaching styles and strategies in order to match the learners’ needs and preferences. Theory and Practice of Teaching and Learning Learning theories and models are diverse and encompass behaviourist, cognitivist and constructivist, social, situational, motivational and humanist. Behaviourist perspectives hold three assumptions. To start with, they focus on observable behaviour rather than internal cognitive processes. Secondly, learning and behaviour are critically influenced by the environment. Thirdly, the principles of contiguity and reinforcement are principal to the explanation of the learning process. This approac h has inspired educational practices such as systematic design of instruction, behavioural and performance perspectives, programmed instruction, and instructor accountability. Cognitive orientation to learning, on the other hand, address processes that occur inside the brain and nervous system as a person learns. This approach shares the assertion that people actively process information, and that learning takes place via the efforts of the learner (Leonard 2002, p.5). Cognitive approach encompasses mental processes comprising of inputting, organizing, storing, retrieving and constructing links between information. Humanist orientation to learning emphasizes the potential for individual growth within the learner. Humanists introduce affective functioning of a person into the arena of learning. Humanists favour the notion that human beings can control their own destiny. In addition, they hold that humans are intrinsically enjoyable and desire a better world for themselves and others. Thus, any behaviour is a consequence of a person’s choice and that people are active agents in learning (Phillips & Soltis 2004, p.3). Social approach to learning highlights the interactions between people and views them as the central mechanism of learning. According to this approach, learning is grounded in observation of others within the social setting. The educational concepts that arise from this approach include motivational strategies, locus of control, social role acquisition, and the efficacy of interaction of learner with the environment and the other learners (Sullo 2007, p.4). Constructivist approach to learning perceives the learning process as involving construction of meaning from experience. According to this approach, the locus of learning lies in internal construction of reality by an individual. Learning Styles and Strategies Learning styles can be regarded as cognitive, affective, and psychological behaviours that are comparatively stable signs of how le arners perceive, interact with, and react to the learning environment. The physical domain of learning style incorporate visual, auditory and motor styles while cognitive domain spotlights concrete, abstract, sequential, and random styles (Hawk & Shah 2007, p.5). Affective domain, on the other hand, encompasses external and internal physiological and psychological factors that influence how people feel. The Index of Learning Styles (ILS) proposes four

Articles Article Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Articles - Article Example From the comment, I think the 60% fall in oil will make larger companies to suffer because OPEC is likely to give up some market share. In addition, the smaller shale companies are likely to collapse because in the long run they will run into huge losses for operating below the breakeven point. The collapsing oil prices will lead Russian into economic recession because of their worsening financial condition. Basically I think it is the free market that prevents monopoly from forming. Monopolies that are often seen as free market monopolies are not actually monopolies because the fee market often prevents individuals from cornering the market. A free market does not allow coercive monopolies because it is open to all and not for only one company. There is always someone else or another company that is willing and/or capable of making the same product for lesser or the same price. Coercive monopolies can be given to the free market agents by government legislation, for instance franchise business for only a specific group of people, however, the government can interfere incase such people are exploiting the market. Monopolies do not exist in a free market because it has unrestricted competition. However, monopolies can be granted by only the regulation by the government. Patents only restricts the use of the inventor’s invention but does not prevent others from coming up with almost a similar invention. For instance, the fact that Coca Cola has patented its Coke brand has not prevented PepsiCo from inventing Pepsi cola. Income brackets have created divisions of classes that have inequities and disparities income due to barriers created by society, however there is considerable income mobility. I think there is income mobility but the individuals do not notice it easily due to the relative value of money because as income rises, the prices of products also rise. In

Cryptology Advancing National Security Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Cryptology Advancing National Security - Essay Example This essay discusses that there are also problems of implementation as some encryption programs do not ensure that the plaintext data they acquire is destroyed once it has been encrypted. These are acquired when systems use temporary files to protect in instances of data loss when the system crashes and to increase the available memory. The measures taken leave plaintext exposed and accessible on the hard drive and can easily be manipulated. In other cases, the operating system in computers leaves keys on the hard drive in the form of passwords that are easily broken by the user interface. Schneier states that â€Å"there are times when systems use master keys and also one-time session keys, where one is strong and the other is weak, the system is then broken by using partial information of the different keys†. It is clear that Cryptography plays a very integral role not only in securing sensitive government information. Cryptology is an important advancement in technology. In a day and age where people are very keen on computer programs and able to hack into national security databases, it is now more important. Seeing that there is a weakness in the cryptologic systems, data analysts and cryptologists must ensure that they write programs that are foolproof. In the same way that no one wants a thief having their bank details, we also do not want terrorists having sensitive national security information. Technology serves peoples purposes and it must then be used in the best way possible.

What is a Clausewitzian definition of war Essay

What is a Clausewitzian definition of war - Essay Example To some, it is an act of glory while for others the same activity appears as a gory to them. Carl Philipp von Clausewitz was a soldier from Prussia. He is acknowledged as a great military historian and military theorist. He is mostly famous for his military treatise known by the name of Vom Kriege translated into English as ‘On War’. His theories documented in this book make him the author of one of the most celebrated contemporary theories upon war. Although Clausewitz participated in many wars, yet he always retained his interest in examining military theories and war tactics. Clausewitzian definition of war encapsulated in his famous ‘On War’ is a systematic, careful and philosophical examination of war in all its perspectives of both the way he saw it and he was being taught. On War is considered as the west’s premier document throwing light on the philosophy of the war. His contentions regarding war and the art of ware fare was so detailed and carefully sorted out that he could only finish a part of the treaty at the time of his death. Clausewitz revised the document in the year 1827 and just before his death he added some more thoughts into the portion dealing with counter - insurgency and different forms of war apart from the War Between the States. Clausewitz and Tolstoy both were much influenced by the events of the Napoleonic era. Clausewitz rendered a long intricate definition of war based on his first hand observation and experience that he gathered during the French revolution and Napoleonic era .The definition of war given by Clausewitz does not only throws light on the considerable historical research into the war,. It also reshaped the Clausewitz’s strong interest in art, science and education. Clausewitz defined war as â€Å"nothing but a duel in an extensive scale. If we would conceive as a unit the countless number of duels which make up a war, we shall do so best by supposing to ourselves two wrestlers. Each strives by

Womens Struggle for Equality Essay Example for Free

Womens Struggle for Equality Essay Both Mary Oliver and Lucille Clifton are feminist women who fight for gender equality. By reading their poems the fight for women to be considered equals to men is evident. Both poems â€Å"Singapore† and â€Å"wishes for sons† were written in 1990-1991. During this time period women were fighting for equal rights in the world. They wanted men to see them as their equal rather than lesser. In â€Å"Singapore† Oliver reveals how difficult a woman’s job can be. In â€Å"wishes for sons† Clifton shows her strong desire for men to experience the embarrassments and difficulties that women face every day. In the poem â€Å"Singapore† Oliver writes about a woman who walks into a public restroom and finds a lady knelt over a toilet cleaning it. â€Å"A woman knelt there, washing something in the white bowl† (Oliver, 1990, line 5). The lady is at first disgusted with what she sees, but then as the lady turns to face her she sees the beauty in her. She realizes that even though this lady has a very disgusting job she is still a human and deserves to be happy. Oliver is showing that despite life’s difficulties women can find the strength to be happy and live a great life. She wants the reader to know that women can have the most disgusting jobs and still be beautiful on the inside and outside â€Å"the light that can shine out of a life† (Oliver, 1990, line 35). In the poem â€Å"wishes for sons† Clifton writes about her strong desire for men to experience the difficulties and embarrassments that women face. Clifton expresses her anger about the way women are viewed as the lesser of the two genders. She wants men to experience what women have to face regularly. â€Å"I wish them cramps†¦I wish them a strange town†¦and the last tampon† (Clifton, 1991, lines 1-3). She wants men to experience these difficulties in an embarrassing manner. Clifton is writing about all the physical things that women have to face. She desperately wants men to see how difficult it is to be a woman. While it is impossible for a man to actually have to go through these things Clifton wants them to realize what women face and to treat them as equals. Mary Oliver’s poem â€Å"Singapore† alluded a lot to nature. â€Å"Rivers are pleasant, and of course trees†¦A waterfall, or if that’s not possible, a fountain rising and falling† (Oliver, 1990, line 10). The symbols of nature go hand in hand with women’s nature and beauty. Lucille Clifton’s poem â€Å"wishes for sons† was a more straightforward approach. She wrote about a woman’s menstrual cycle and how unpleasant it is. Both of these poems hit on the theme of gender equality. In both poems the authors write about a woman’s role in a man’s world, the nature of women, gender equality, and the relationships between a man and a woman. Both of these poems reveal the struggle that women faced when trying to win the battle of equality with men. They fought so hard to show men that they were equal. During this time period women had rights but not the same rights as men. Women were expected to stay at home and take care of the house. Since they were the ones cleaning at home the type of jobs they could get involved cleaning. Women were not happy with the way they were treated in this time period. Men were the ones who went out and worked in the business world.. These two poems showed the type of hardships that women face. From the type of jobs women were given to the physical things they had to deal with. All women wanted were to be treated as equals of men.